Domesday Book

In 1085, faced with the prospect of a further Danish invasion, King William ordered a comprehensive assessment of landholding throughout England. Teams of commissioners were sent to every shire with orders to assemble juries in each hundred and to enquire exactly who held what land - both at the present (TRW) and at the start of William's reign (TRE). So detailed and authoritative was the survey that, in the twelfth century, it was likened to the Last Judgement.

The creation of Domesday Book

Having conquered England in 1066, the Normans set about a massive change in land ownership, which in places amounted to a chaotic land grab where the strongest snatched what they could. At the same time, William bestowed the lands of his deceased enemies on his followers, who in turn parcelled out much of it to their foremost men. Even by 1085, almost twenty years after their famous victory, the Normans were struggling to come to terms with what they had acquired - what was needed was a reckoning, a survey of all of the land holdings across England. As the Anglo Saxon Chronicle records:

"Then, at the midwinter [1085], was the king in Gloucester with his council... After this had the king a large meeting, and very deep consultation with his council, about this land; how it was occupied, and by what sort of men. Then sent he his men over all England into each shire; commissioning them to find out 'How many hundreds of hides were in the shire, what land the king himself had, and what stock upon the land; or, what dues he ought to have by the year from the shire.'"

Thus it was that William ordered the Domesday Survey to be undertaken. In every shire, commissioners were sent out to every Hundred to gather the information. The questions they were to ask had been clearly defined at the outset, and the record from Ely preserves the questions which were asked:

• The name of the place. Who held it, before 1066, and now?
• How many hides? How many ploughs, both those in lordship and the men's?
• How many villagers, cottagers and slaves, how many free men and Sokemen?
• How much woodland, meadow and pasture? How many mills and fishponds?
• How much has been added and taken away? What the total value was and is?
• How much each free man or Sokeman had or has? All threefold, before 1066, when King William gave it, and now; and if more can be had than at present?

Exon Domesday (also called Liber Exoniensis, or Exeter Domesday) is the only surviving circuit return for a shire recorded in the main Domesday survey ("Great Domesday"). This circuit covered Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Wiltshire and Somerset. Exon provides the original recordings of the commissioners responsible for this area, which were then abbreviated into Domesday. It provides an invaluable window into the way the commissioners worked - and the way their records were edited and summarised.

Understanding Domesday

TRE and TRW

By and large, the estates of a pre-Conquest antecessor were handed to a post-Conquest successor. It was therefore important to know how England's lands were disposed "on the day King Edward was alive and dead" (ie 5 January 1066), since that was the day when King William considered his reign to have begun - Harold Godwineson was considered a usurper and not a legitimate king (only once does Domesday describe him as rex). The Domesday survey therefore records two values for the extent of each estate's lands and its taxation value - "TRE" and "TRW".

• Tempore regis Edwardi (TRE) - "in the time of the reign of King Edward", specifically on 5 January 1066, "the day King Edward was alive and dead".
• Tempore regis Willelmi (TRW) - "in the time of the reign of King William", ie the point in 1086 at which the commissioners heard and recorded each hundred jury's account.

Terminology

Domesday Book uses a wide range of technical terms for land, people, rights, obligations and measurements, most of which are now unfamiliar. A glossary can be found under the Landholding page.

The online glossary at http://www.domesdaybook.co.uk/glossary.html is useful in trying to understand the entries in Domesday.

Domesday Book is sometimes abbreviated to "DB".

Deconstructing Domesday: example entries

Haddenham, Cambridgeshire

As an example of the detail in Domesday, the entry for Haddenham (Cambridgeshire) reads:

"Seven Sokemen hold Haddenham under the Abbot; they could not and cannot withdraw. 3 hides. Land for 5 ploughs; they are there. 8 villagers, 1/2 virgate each; 4 smallholders, 5 acres each. 6 cottagers. Meadow for 5 ploughs; pasture for the village livestock. The value is and was £8; before 1066 £12."

Looking at each of the sections in detail, we have:

"Seven Sokemen hold Haddenham under the Abbot;" Haddenham is held by the Abbot of Ely. However, rather than being a centrally-controlled manor, Haddenham has seven individual landholders ('sokemen') who give the abbot rent (as cash, produce, service or a combination) in return for their land. This was a very common arrangement in the Danelaw. A 'sokeman' was a free man with a good deal of independence - he was personally responsible for his tax liability, and had jurisdiction ('sake and soke') over his land.

"they could not and cannot withdraw." Although the seven Sokemen are free men, they cannot sell their land or transfer their allegiance to anyone else. Some sokemen could, and therefore had more options and independence. The farmers of Haddenham were legally bound to the abbot of Ely.

"3 hides." The estate of Haddenham was assessed at three hides of land (approx 360 acres). This was important, because military obligations and taxation (geld) were calculated based on numbers of hides. In theory a hide represented enough arable land to support one household, but Domesday shows much more flexibility, particularly in the Danelaw - in this case, seven sokemen (each presumably with their own farm, family and household), shared three hides.

"Land for 5 ploughs; they are there" The land held by the Sokemen contains an arable portion which would require 5 plough teams to manage them, and five plough teams exist in the village

"8 villagers, 1/2 virgate each; 4 smallholders, 5 acres each. 6 cottagers" The rest of the land is held by minor landowners, with 8 villagers (villeins) who have small farms of around 15 acres each, and 4 smallholders (bordars) who have five acres each. In addition, there are six cottagers (cottars), who hold no land of their own (except perhaps a cottage garden), and who work on the land of the Sokemen.

"Meadow for 5 ploughs; pasture for the village livestock" Only enough meadow land exists to support the 5 ploughs which are required and present. An unknown area is set aside as pasture land, which is probably seen as common land for grazing.

"The value is and was £8; before 1066 £12." When granted by William (re-affirming the ownership of the Abbot of Ely), it was worth £8, and has not increased in value over the intervening 20 years. Before 1066, it had been worth 50% more, and so it is tempting to suggest that it was damaged during the rebellion of Hereward and its aftermath.

[Translations taken from the Phillimore series - ISBN 0 85033 388 1 (1981, Cambridgeshire) and ISBN 0 85033 130 7 (1975, Huntingdonshire)]

Cambridgeshire is one of the pivotal counties reported in Domesday. Apart from the record of which questions were asked, two earlier records survive which show the process at work, and which can corroborate and if necessary fill in the gaps in Domesday. These were the Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis (ICC - The Cambridgeshire Inquiry), and the Inquisitio Eliensis (IE - The Ely Inquiry). ICC was an early record of the findings of the Commissioners, recorded for each hundred, which provides a useful cross-check against Domesday as this was re-ordered into holdings by person. IE was a record of the holdings of the Abbey of Ely, which included lands in Essex, Hertfordshire, Norfolk and Suffolk as well as Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire.

Ripon, North Yorkshire

There are two entries for Ripon in Domesday:

1. [Land of the Archbishop of York - West Riding] - "In RIPON, of ST WILFRID'S LEAGUE, there could be 10 ploughs. Archbishop Ealdred held this manor. Now Archbishop Thomas has in demesne 2 ploughs, and 1 mill rendering 10s, and 1 fishery rendering 3s; and 8 villans and 10 bordars having 6 ploughs. There are 10 acres of meadow, and scrubland. Of this land the canons have 14 bovates. The whole extends 1 league around the church. To this manor belong these Berewicks: Littlethorpe, 'Estuinc' [in Newby, near Ripon], Westwick, Bishop Monkton, Nidd, Killinghall, Bishop Thornton, Sawley, Eavestone, Wilsill, 'Knayser' [in Skelding], Grantley, 'How' [in Markington]. Together, there are 43 carucates to the geld, and there could be 30 ploughs. All this land is waste, except that in Markington there is 1 plough in demesne; and 2 villans and 3 bordars with 1 plough, and 1 sokeman with 1 plough. In Bishop Monkton 1 thegn has 5 villans and 5 bordars with 4 ploughs. In 'How' [in Markington] are 3 villans and 3 bordars with 2 ploughs. There are 75 acres of meadow, and woodland pasture belonging to these lands contains 1 league. The whole is 6 leagues long and 6 broad"

2. [Clamores of Yorkshire - Burgshire wapentake] - "In RIPON, the League of St Wilfrid, the Archbishop. In Littlethorpe, the Archbishop 4 carucates; in 'Estuuic' [in Newby, near Ripon], 2 carcucates; in Nidd, 5 carucates. In Westwick, 4 carucates; in Bishop Monkton, 8 carucates; in Killinghall, 1 carucate; in Bishop Thornton, 2 carucates. In Sawley, 2 carucates; in Eavestone, 2 carucates; in Wilsill, 2 carucates; in 'Knayser' [in Skelding], 1.5 carucates; in Studley Roger, 4 carucates. In Grantley, 2.5 carucates; in 'How' [in Markington], 3 carucates; in Markington, 4.5 carucates; in Stanlai [in North Stainley] and Sutton Grange, 8 carucates;in North Stainley and Sleningford, 6.5 carucates. In 'Knayser' [in Skelding], Gospatric half a carucate. In Castley, Everard, a man of William de Percy, 2 carucates"

This is a more complicated entry, reflecting a larger estate.

"Archbishop Ealdred held this manor. Now Archbishop Thomas has..." At the start of King William's reign (5 January 1066), Ripon was held by Ealdred, Archbishop of York 1061-69. At the point of the survey, it was held by Thomas, Archbishop of York 1070-1100.

"In RIPON, there could be 10 ploughs.... Archbishop Thomas has in demesne 2 ploughs... and 8 villans and 10 bordars having 6 ploughs." In this context, a "plough" means a measure of land equal to that which a plough team could plough in one day, also known as a Carucate, likely to have been around 80-120 acres. It was a unit of land commonly used in northern England, and equivalent to the southern hide. The land was assessed to be 10 carucates, but only 8 carucates are in use. 2 carucates are directly farmed by the estate centre (the "demesne" lands), while 6 carucates are let out to tenants - in this case 8 villeins and 10 bordars, who will give the estate a mixture of cash, produce and labour services. In the case of Ripon, the church community will have lived off the produce of the demesne lands.

"and 1 mill rendering 10s, and 1 fishery rendering 3s;" As is normal for a large estate, the lord provides a mill and would typically expect all of his tenants to use it, charging them for the privilege. As with many religious establishments, they have a fishery to keep them supplied with fresh protein through the winter. Between them, the mill and fishery generated 13 shillings of income for the estate.

"There are 10 acres of meadow, and scrubland. Of this land the canons have 14 bovates." The 10 acres of meadow and scrubland are for common grazing, while the canons of the (minster) church held 14 bovates (=1.75 carucates) for their own grazing.

"The whole extends 1 league around the church." It seems that the land grant to the church is essentially a circle around the church, and would therefore have been around 6 miles in diameter. This was a common arrangement for minster churches. Ripon first appears c.660 as a monasterium with thirty hides of land attached, and in the eighth century it became part of the bishop's endowment (as many early minsters did). A minster generally had a dozen clergy and only needed five to ten hides for their upkeep (and their families'), which were normally close by, leaving the rest to give the bishop plenty of income or land to support retainers.

"To this manor belong these Berewicks... Together, there are 43 carucates to the geld, and there could be 30 ploughs. All this land is waste, except that in Markington there is 1 plough in demesne; and 2 villans and 3 bordars with 1 plough, and 1 sokeman with 1 plough. In Bishop Monkton 1 thegn has 5 villans and 5 bordars with 4 ploughs. In 'How' [in Markington] are 3 villans and 3 bordars with 2 ploughs." As well as the main manor, the church had several subsidiary holdings (berewicks) which were taxed as part of the main manor. Although they could be farmed directly (kept in demesne, as at Markington), they were frequently let out to tenants - in this case, 5 villeins and 6 bordars answerable to the church, plus a thegn with his own sub-tenants. This kind of landed relationship was a key means of binding the important men of a shire (such as its thegns) to the interests of the tenant-in-chief. Ripon's berewicks total 30 carucates, but only 9 are in use - the rest is recorded as "waste", in other words abandoned or economically unproductive, most likely due to the "Harrying of the North" almost 20 years earlier; its devastating after-effects are all too apparent in the Domesday entries for Yorkshire. Given the lack of mention of any villans or bordars in 10 of the 13 berewicks, it seems that these manors were effectively wiped off the map until growth later in the medieval period brought some of them back to life again. Once upon a time, these estates had been very productive - 30 carucates of land were assessed as able to pay geld for 43. The 40 carucates (10 around the church, plus 30 in outlying estates) may well correspond to the 30 hides granted in c.660 - land units frequently prove very durable.

The "Clamores" were pleas or complaints heard as part of the Domesday survey, reflecting disputes or claims over ownership which the commissioners recorded:

"In RIPON, the League of St Wilfrid, the Archbishop. In Littlethorpe, the Archbishop 4 carucates; in 'Estuuic' [in Newby, near Ripon], 2 carcucates; in Nidd, 5 carucates. In Westwick, 4 carucates; in Bishop Monkton, 8 carucates; in Killinghall, 1 carucate; in Bishop Thornton, 2 carucates. In Sawley, 2 carucates; in Eavestone, 2 carucates; in Wilsill, 2 carucates; in 'Knayser' [in Skelding], 1.5 carucates; in Studley Roger, 4 carucates. In Grantley, 2.5 carucates; in 'How' [in Markington], 3 carucates; in Markington, 4.5 carucates; in Stanlai [in North Stainley] and Sutton Grange, 8 carucates;in North Stainley and Sleningford, 6.5 carucates. In 'Knayser' [in Skelding], Gospatric half a carucate. In Castley, Everard, a man of William de Percy, 2 carucates"

Clearly, the archbishop feels that he has been cheated out of a lot of land and its income - 59 carucates in total, though it is notable that most of this seems to be a compensation claim for the "wasted" berewicks. Two other landholders lodged claims - one is possibly the Earl of Northumbria or his son, and the other seems to be a Norman retainer of the incoming de Percy family. These and other claims are discussed in R. Fleming, 'Domesday Book and the Law: Society and Legal Custom in Early Medieval England' (Cambridge, 2003) (https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=gBm2eQvZlN4C) - "Biarni and Alflaed had a carucate there. Now Everard, William de Percy's man cultivates it, but William de Percy does not vouch for it" - see https://opendomesday.org/place/SE2645/castley/ for the details of this holding. It seems that Everard also acquired Leathley from Arnketil, son of Ulf in a similar move - https://opendomesday.org/place/SE2347/leathley/ - as Arnketil's holdings in 1086 are significantly smaller than his holdings in 1066.

Credits: with thanks to Paul Murphy and the Ousekjarr website (https://www.ousekjarr.org/index.php/history).